Hunger in America by Richard Mitchell Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Hunger in America by Richard Mitchell - Essay Example It is not their fault given that they are â€Å"mentally ill† thus advocating critical thinking as the cure for fundamental literalism will not help. It is like asking a physically challenged person to run. 2. Response Bill Barnhart’s son did not have cheerios and grape juice for his last meal. In my understanding, the story of Bill Barnhart is an allegorical one, which is given to show that reading (cheerios and grape juice) for fundamental literalist (hungry people) does not provide a solution to their problem (hunger). The hunger from which Bill Barnhart’s son suffered from is the mindless, non-attentive, non-judicious and non-reflective reading of language. Eating the meal made of cheerios and grape juice was supposed to relieve him his hunger, rather he died after eating. Thus the meal of cheerios and grape juice should be taken as the medicine that fundamental literalists take when they are hungry. It is therefore not true (False) that Bill Barnhart’ s son took cheerios and grape juice for supper.

Acc 291 Reflective Summary Week 3 Essay Example for Free

Acc 291 Reflective Summary Week 3 Essay Calculating stock, dividends, and stock splits Stock is buying into ownership of a company. It is buying into their assets as well as their earnings. To calculate stock one must understand how to calculate the earnings per share. To calculate the earnings per share take the net earnings and divide by the outstanding shares. Dividends are cash distributions that companies pay out regularly to shareholders from earnings. Profitable companies pay dividends. To calculate dividends for dollar amount take the number of owned shares and multiply by the dividend per share. Stock split is increasing the number of outstanding shares that is owned by dividing each share. Each stockholder receives an additional share, but the value of each is reduced by half. Two shares equal the original value before the share split took place. The calculation of stock splitting is very complicated. See more:  Mark Twains Humorous Satire in Running for Governor Essay Differentiate types of stocks issued by corporations. There are two basic types of stocks that corporations can issue. Common stock and preferred stock are the two types; both have different benefits and possible opportunities. Common stock is the most basic type of stock you can obtain from a corporation. Since it’s the basic type of stock that you can purchase it has its limitations and is very limited in value. Owning a common share of the corporation shows that you own a fraction of company and its value is directly impacted by the company’s monetary successes and failures. Most see owning common shares as a risky investment  and this is why the owners will receive their profits after the preferred stock is disbursed. Preferred stock is the other type of stock that corporations issue. The main benefit of owning a preferred share of a corporation is that your dividends are received before common shareholders. Unlike common shareholder benefits, preferred stock is based on a fixed dividend payment. If the company goes out of business or liquidates their assets, preferred shareholders still receive the money back they invested and this is disbursed before common stockholders receive theirs as well. The only setback is that preferred stock cannot doesn’t gain as much in value as the common shareholder profit because of the fixed payment. Preferred stock also has a division of classes that is based on market prices, restrictions, etc. All in all, depending on the investor’s needs and financial opportunities both stock options have their benefits and possible setbacks. Reference: http://www.stanford.edu/~mikefan/stocks/whatarestocks.html Fan, 2006 Cardinal Money Management Oracle thinkquest. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://library.thinkquest.org/3088/stockmarket/typesofstocks.html Reflection Summary Assignment 1 Reflection Summary Assignment

Analysing Biopower And Agency Linked To Euthanasia Philosophy Essay

Analysing Biopower And Agency Linked To Euthanasia Philosophy Essay Human life can be perceived as a way of being that ensures autonomy upon the physical body. However, state authority, surveillance and law are moderating this individual freedom and moral decision-making. Nowadays, euthanasia remains a highly controversial and sensitive medical and ethical issue. My research and final thesis for the master will focus on the narratives of people, residing in houses for the elderly in Antwerp, Belgium. Emphasis is placed on whether upcoming media interest in euthanasia influences elderly thoughts and decision making regarding assisted suicide. Wishes about end-of-life decisions, opinions of relatives and law interpretations of medical practitioners are being investigated in this study. And finally the way governments authority influences peoples agency in end-of-life decision making. With this paper, I intend to widen my knowledge of two main anthropological topics linked to the subject of euthanasia, namely biopower and agency. Biopolitics concern the political implications of social and biological facts and phenomena, with political choice and action directly afflicting all aspects of human life. Agency, on the other hand, can be seen as an alternative attempt to maintain autonomy in ones own life and death, under the influence of the states disciplining interference. Both forms of power are studied in this paper, and their interrelationship is critically viewed. Keywords: Biopolitics, Agency, Power, Health, Ethics 2. The history of biopower In Foucaults The Birth of Biopolitics (Lectures at the College de France, 1978-1979), an analysis of liberalism and neoliberalism as forms of biopolitics is presented. According to Foucault, biopower can be perceived as a technology of power, intending to manage individuals as a group. This political technology differentiates because of its ability to control populations as a whole, and is thus essential to the development of modern capitalism (Foucault, 2008). This shift from the managing and micro-controlling of individuals to disciplining a population emerged in the eighteenth-century. Even though this seems as an opportunity to gain more natural rights and liberty for individuals, this liberal government no longer limits state power because of the incompatible tension between freedom and security (Foucault, 2008, McSweeney, 2010). As Foucault argued, liberalism concerns the biopolitical. For liberalism promotes an imagined self-governing of life through a certain capture and disc iplining of natural forces of aggression and desire within the framework of a cultural game, governed by civil conventions and instituted laws (Foucault, 2004). In this conception, life is as much of a cultural construct as is law, although the naturalness of life, thought of as innately self-regulating, is always insinuated. Both in economics and in politics, liberalism rejoice in an order that is supposed to emerge naturally from the clash of passions themselves (Milbank, 2008: 2). Rabinow and Rose seek to enlighten the developments in Foucaults concept of biopower, which serves to bring into view a field comprised of more or less rationalized attempts to intervene upon the vital characteristics of human existence (Rabinow, 2006: 196-197). Foucault distinguishes two poles of biopower: the first one focuses on an anatomo-politics of the human body, seeking to maximize its forces and integrate it into efficient systems. The second pole entails biopolitics of the population, focusing on the species body, the body imbued with the mechanisms of life: birth, morbidity, mortality and longevity (Rose, 2007: 53). Thus, according to Rabinow and Rose, we can use the term biopolitics to embrace all the specific strategies and contestations over problematizations of collective human vitality, morbidity and mortality; over the forms of knowledge, regimes of authority and practices of intervention that are desirable, legitimate and efficacious (Rabinow, 2006: 197). In order to clarify the concept of biopower, three elements must be included. The first one comprises one or more truth discourses about the vital character of living human beings, and an array of authorities considered competent to speak that truth. Secondly, the strategies for intervention upon collective existence in the name of life and health, and lastly, modes of subjectification, through which individuals are brought to work on themselves, under certain forms of authority. Biopolitical analyses also explore how poverty, body commodification, and notions of risk and control are lived and shaped by the intersections of state imperatives, local traditions, and the global reach of medicine (Kaufman, 2005: 320). It is been inextricably bound up with the rise of the life sciences, the human sciences and clinical medicine. It has given birth to techniques, technologies, experts, and apparatuses for the care and administration of the life of each and of all, from town planning to heal th services (Rose, 2007: 54). Nevertheless, we need to be untrammeled by obligations to authoritative states and international bureaucracies, as most crimes against humanity are committed by powerful states (Farmer, 2004: 242). 2.1 Criticism Rabinow and Rose are critical of Agamben (1995, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2005) and Negri (2000), who suggest that contemporary biopower takes the form of a politics that is fundamentally dependent on the domination, exploitation, expropriation and, in some cases, elimination of the vital existence of some or all subjects over whom it is exercised (Rabinow, 2006: 198). The following fallacies in Agamben and Negris work are mentioned. Firstly, their use of biopower as a totalizing term in which biopower serves to secure the dominion of a global form of domination that they term Empire (ibid.: 198). Rabinow and Rose agree that it is necessary to extend the scope of traditional analyses of economic exploitation and geopolitics in order to grasp the way in which the living character of human being is being harnessed by biocapital. However, this expanded concept of biopower leaves little room for analytical work. Therefore, Rabinow and Rose agree that this version of the concept of biopower is an tithetical to that proposed by Foucault because it can describe everything but analyse nothing. Secondly, Agambens view of the Holocaust as the ultimate exemplar of biopower and use of the obscure metaphor of homo sacer. According to Rabinow and Rose: the power to command under threat of death is exercised by States and their surrogates in multiple instances, in micro forms and in geopolitical relations. But this does not demonstrate that this form of power commands backed up by the ultimate threat of death is the guarantee or underpinning principle of all forms of biopower in contemporary liberal societies. Nor is it useful to use this single diagram to analyse every contemporary instance of thanatopolitics (ibid.: 201). And lastly, Agambens interpretation of contemporary biopolitics as the politics of a State modelled on the figure of the Sovereign, and of all forms of biopolitical authority as agents of that Sovereign. Rabinow and Rose believe that this interpretation fails to notice the dependence of sovereign rule on a fine web of customary conventions, reciprocal obligations and the like in a word, a moral economy [] sovereign power is at one and the same time an element in this moral economy and an attempt to master it (ibid.: 200). States can only rule because of the ways in which they manage to connect themselves to the ever-growing apparatuses of knowledge collection and problematization that formed alongside the state apparatus since the 19th century. Furthermore, in the analysis of biopower, Rabinow and Rose focus on three topics that they believe condense some of the biopolitical lines of force active today. The first one embraces race. At one point, the link between biological understandings of distinctions among population groups and their socio-political implications seemed broken and race was crucial as a socio-economic category, a mark of discrimination and a mode of identification that remained extremely salient socially and politically, from the allocation of federal funds to the manifestations of identity politics. However, at the turn of the new century, race is once again re-entering the domain of biological truth, viewed now through a molecular gaze (ibid.: 206). A new molecular deployment of race has emerged seemingly almost inevitably out of genomic thinking. Funding for research in DNA sequence variations has been justified precisely in biopolitical terms, as leading towards and ensuring the equal health of the pop ulation in all or some of its diversity (ibid.: 207). Rabinow and Rose believe that new challenges for critical thinking are raised by the contemporary interplay between political and genomic classifications of race, identity politics, racism, health inequities, and their potential entry into biomedical truth, commercial logics and the routine practices of health care (ibid.: 207). The second topic entails reproduction. Since the 1970s, sexuality and reproduction have become disentangled, and the question of reproduction gets problematized, both nationally and supra-nationally, because of its economic, ecological and political consequences. Reproduction has been made into a biopolitical space in which an array of connections appear between the individual and the collective, the technological and the political, the legal and the ethical (ibid.: 208). According to Rabinow and Rose the economy of contemporary biopolitics operates according to logics of vitality, not mortality: while it has its circuits of exclusion, letting die is not making die (ibid.: 211). They argue that changes are about capitalism and liberalism and not eugenics. And lastly; genomic medicine. Rabinow and Rose narrate how the first biopolitical strategies concerned the management of illness and health and how these provided a model for many other problematizations operating in terms of the division of the normal and the pathological. This model was popular in liberal societies because they establish links between the molecular and the molar, linking the aspiration of the individual to be cured to the management of the health status of the population as a whole (ibid.: 212). Whether or not genomic medicine will lead to the creation of a new regime of biopower depends on both the uncertain outcome of genomic research itself, and on contingencies external to genomics and biomedicine. If the new model of genomic medicine were to succeed, and to be deployed widely, not only in the developed but also in the less developed world, the logics of medicine, and the shape of the biopolitical field, would be altered. New contestations would emerge over acc ess to such technologies and the resources necessary to follow through their implications. Additionally, as the forms of knowledge generated here are those of probability, new ways of calculating risk, understanding the self and organizing health care would undoubtedly emerge (Rabinow, 2006: 214). It is important to see that in this, the political and social implications are shaped more by the political side of biopolitics than the medical side, which is also mentioned by Vaughn (2010). Milbank (2008) is discussing this topic from an alternative point of view. Laws typically proceed from sovereign power granted legitimacy through a general popular consent as mediated by representation. In so far as such a procedure is taken to be normative, it can be seen as embodying a natural law for the origin of legitimate power from the conflicts in human life (Milbank, 2008: 5). To conclude; within the field of biopower, the term biopolitics is used to embrace all the specific strategies and contestations over problematizations of collective human vitality, morbidity and mortality, and can therefore be linked to the implementation of the euthanasia law. It includes a form of power expressed as a control that extends throughout the depths of the consciousnesses and bodies of the population (Rose, 2007: 54). At the end of life, ethnographers have focused their attention in the distinction between the social and biological death of the person and the practical and ethical quandaries created by the late modern ability and desire to authorize and design ones own death, and the ways in which death is spoken, silenced, embraced, staved off, and otherwise patterned (Kaufman, 2005: 319). The policy of euthanasia can thereby be seen as an array of authorities considered competent to judge a humans quality of life. In one sense, to say that the sovereign has a right of life and death means that he can, basically, either have people put to death of let them live, of in any case that life and death are not natural or immediate phenomena which are primal or radical, and which fall outside the field of power. [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] In any case, the lives and death of subjects become rights only as a result of the will of the sovereign (Foucault, 1997: 24). 3. Agency In the previous chapter it has become clear that biopolitics can be perceived as an empowered discipline which reduces humans to mere life and biological statistics and processes. But has a human being no other destiny then to be at the mercy of the puppet master called the state? According to Mahmood (2005), it is quite clear that the idea of freedom and liberty as the political ideal is relatively new in modern history. Nor, for that matter, does the narrative of individual and collective liberty exhaust the desires with which people live in liberal societies? How do we then analyze operations of power that construct different kinds of bodies, knowledges, and subjectivities whose trajectories do not follow the entelechy of libratory politics? It encourages us to conceptualize agency not simple as a synonym for resistance to relations of domination, but as a capacity for action that specific relations of subordination create and enable (Mahmood, 2005, 22). Ortner believes agency and social power are very closely linked. In her article Power and Projects: Reflections on Agency (2006), she agrees with Ahearn that oppositional agency is only one of many forms of agency and that domination and resistance are not irrelevant, but that human emotions, and hence questions of agency, within relations of power and inequality are always complex and contradictory (Ortner, 2006: 137). She also mentions Giddens viewpoint that the concept of action is logically tied to that of power because of its transformative capacity, but that the transformative capacity of agents is only one dimension of how power operates in social systems. Ortner sees agency as part of her theory on serious games. The concept of serious games is grounded in practice theory, because as in practice theory social life in a serious games perspective is seen as something that is actively played, oriented toward culturally constituted goals and projects, and involving both routine practices and intentionalized action (129). However, it moves beyond this in looking at more complex relations, namely power, and more complex dimensions of subjectivity, those involving intentionality and agency. Although agency is considered universal, the agency exercised by different persons is far from uniform and differs enormously in both kind and extent. At the ethnographic level, however, what is at stake is a contrast between the workings of agency within massive power relations. In the most common usage agency can be virtually synonymous with the forms of power people have at their disposal, thereby implying that people in positions of power have a lot of agency. On the other hand, Ortner notes that the dominated too also have certain capacities, and sometimes very significant capacities, to exercise some sort of influence over the ways in which events unfold. Resistance is then also a form of power-agency (ibid.: 144). Thus, Ortner believes that the less powerful seek to nourish and protect by creating or protecting sites on the margins of power. These cultural projects can be simple goals for individuals, related to intention and desire, but many projects are full-blown serious games, involving the intense play of multiply positioned subjects pursuing cultural goals within a matrix of local inequalities and power differentials (ibid.: 144). Agency becomes the pursuit of (cultural) projects, but it is also ordinary life socially organized in terms of culturally constituted projects that infuse life with meaning and purpose. Hence, the agency of projects is not necessarily about domination and resistance; it is more about people having desires that grow out of their own structures of life. Ortner views this as people playing their own serious games in the face of more powerful parties seeking to destruct these. So this is not free agency, as the cultural desires or intentions [] emerge from structur ally defined differences of social categories and differentials of power (ibid.: 145). To Ortner, the point of making the distinction between agency-in-the-sense-of-power and an agency-in-the-sense-of-(the pursuit of) projects is that the first is organized around the axis of domination and resistance, and thus defined to a great extent by the terms of the dominant party, while the second is defined by local logics of the good and the desirable and how to pursue them (ibid.: 145). She considers that the agency which is involved in significant cultural end, is inevitably involving internal power-relations. Consequently, the agency of project intrinsically hinges on the agency of power. 3.1 The free individual? The ultimate purpose of the serious games theory is always to understand the larger forces, formations, and transformations of social life. The way Ortner sees social agents is that they are always involved in, and can never act outside of, the multiplicity of social relations in which they are enmeshed (ibid.: 130). Thus while all social actors have agency, because of their engagement with others in the play of serious games they can never be free agents. This social embeddedness of agents takes two forms; the first one being relations of solidarity among friends and family. The second form involves relations of power, inequality and competition. Ortner emphasizes that agency is never a thing in itself but is always a part of a process of what Giddens calls structuration, the making and remaking of larger social and cultural formations (ibid.: 134). Ortner admits the dangers of overemphasizing agency as this gives precedence to individuals over context and that too much focus on the agency of individuals and/or groups results in a gross oversimplification of the processes involved in history, thereby ignoring both the needs and desires of human beings and the pulse of collective forces and losing sight of the complex, and highly unpredictable, relationship between intentions and outcomes. However, Ortner believes the solution is the framework of practice theory within which neither individuals nor social forces have precedence, but in which nonetheless there is a dynamic, powerful, and sometimes transformative relationship between the practices of real people and the structures of society, culture, and history (ibid.:133). Furthermore, Ortner believes that agency can be said to have two fields of meaning, one being about intentionality and the pursuit of (culturally defined) projects), the other about power, about acting within relations of social inequality, asymmetry, and force (ibid.: 139). However, agency is never merely one or the other. Intentionality refers to a wide range of states, both cognitive and emotional, and at various levels of consciousness, that are directed forward toward some end (ibid.: 134). There exists a continuum between both soft and hard definitions of agency. In soft definitions, intentionality is not taken into account or not seen as being consciously held in the mind. However, what is then the distinction between agency and routine practices? On the other end of the spectrum, and Ortner shares this viewpoint, are those definitions of agency that emphasize the strong role of active intentionality in agency that differentiates agency from routine practices. Pre-modern thought did not conceive of agency solely in terms of individual freedom or else in terms of explicit representative sovereign action leaving a consequent problem of the apparent spontaneous patterning of the unplanned. This was because it did not think of an act as primarily an expression of freedom or as something owned by the individual or the sovereigns will or motivation. Instead, it paid more attention to the fact that every act is always pre-positioned within a relational public realm and in turn cannot avoid in some way modifying that realm, beyond anything that could in principle be consented to by the other, since the full content of any act is unpredictable (Milbank, 2008: 23). In conclusion, Ortner advocates that a distinction should be made between agency as a form of power (agency of power) and agency as a form of intention and desire, as the pursuit of goals and the enactment of projects (agency of projects). While they form two distinct fields of meaning, they are also interrelated as both domination and resistance are always in the service of projects. Thus, agency is a complex term whose senses emerge within semantic and institutional networks that define and make possible particular ways of relation to people, things, and oneself. Yet, intention , which is variously glossed as plan, awareness, willfulness, directedness, or desire is often made to be central to the attribution of agency. Although the various usages of agency have very different implications that do not all hang together, cultural theory tends to reduce them to the metaphysical idea of a conscious agent-subject having both the capacity and the desire to move in a singular historical d irection: that of increasing self-empowerment and decreasing pain (Asad, 2003: 78-79). 4. Conclusion After thoroughly having examined both the subjects of biopower and agency, and following the course Theory and Practice, awareness has grown once again in realizing how much ones been lived. Disciplining of the state interferes in such a wide array of human life; consisting of for example the school system, employment, medicines and ultimately death. It becomes clear that agency, performed in ways we have discussed in class, simply does not exist, because of the dominant and prevailing power of the state. It is not owned by social actors, but interactively negotiated and best seen as a disposition toward the enactment of projects. Despite of this negotiating, individuals never become free agents. This and other research shows that the law and the policy of euthanasia influencing peoples right to determine their own life. Today, most requests for euthanasia to end a life with dignity are denied, because people do not fit into the criteria and the so-called carefully requirements the l aw states. But to what extend do such institutions of power have the moral right to determine and monitor personal decisions of individuals? As Foucault (2003) states: the very essence of the right of life and death is actually the right to kill: it is at the moment when the sovereign can kill that he exercises his right over life. In my opinion people should maintain autonomy over their own life and death, and that the government should not intervene from above into such personal, subjective and fundamental choice. However, apart from the awareness of the fundamental mediation of the state, we remain political animals. In the end, everyone wants to pursuit personal goals in life, and in order to accomplish those, we cannot do much more than just put up with the fate of being obliged well-behaved citizen.

Case Study A Global Investment Marketing Essay

Case Study A Global Investment Marketing Essay A global investment is a difficult mission that requires the assessment of different aspects of potential opportunities in different countries. Moreover, needs serious examination and analysis of success and failure probability. The purpose of this paper is to study the strategy of Etisalat, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) telecommunication company in the Saudi Arabia market as Mobily. Moreover, description, cause and effect of that strategy will be discussed at understand Saudis economy and to identify the total investment in the mobile sector. In addition, an attempt to examine the performance of Mobliy and the obstacles it faced was made. A specially, the difficulty it faced when it started the business in the Saudi market while trying to catch a part of mobile phone market share, managing its business and communicating with its mother company in the UAE. To overcome these obstacles, Mobily created new services for personal and companies to add value for its subscribers to achieve its strategy target. To explain its success in Saudis market, some business information will be discussed evaluating its strategy. Table of Contents: 2- Etisalats globalstrategy 3-SAY GOODBYE TO THE MONOPOLY 4-Mobily Ownership Structure 5-Mobily Objectives 6-STRATEGY 7-HAJJ EFFECT ON PROFITABILITY 8-INFRASTRUCTURE 9-Effect of macro-environmental and micro-environmental on Mobilys marketing mix 2- Etisalats globalstrategy Etisalat is the largest Arab telecommunications firm in the Middle East, with 63 million customers and has launched the most advanced services to the area.( http://www.etisalat.ae) Etisalats strategy is anchored in expanding in international markets and being able to be one of the top-10 telecoms service suppliers in the world. To execute this strategy, Etisalat attempts actually to create the retail of mobile devices around some states in Africa, Asia and the Middle East as Saudi Arabia and Egypt because these countries have shown an increase in GDP, great increase in population and unemployment and Etisalat try to present telecom services and solutions which add value to consumers and facilitates perfect deal with technology. 3-SAY GOODBYE TO THE MONOPOLY In 2004, the only mobile operator was Saudi Telecom Company (STC). At the same time, the mobile penetration rate just was 40%,and there were only 9.2 million customers. When Mobily entered Saudi market in 2005, broke the monopoly. The liberalization of the Saudi Arabian telecommunication sector caused the penetration rate to rise to 109% in 2007, to  assure  of 50% for customers growth. Mobily paid 3.46 billion USD to have the second mobile license in KSA in 2005. Mobily was successful in covering most of Saudi Arabias land with the GSM coverage 97% of populated areas. It was also the first mobile Saudi operator to  initiate  value-added services such as location-based services (LBS) and MMS. 5-Mobily Objectives To be the best work environment in the KSA by caring for their employees. To be Number One at enjoyment their subscribers. To sustain leadership in data applications and services 6-STRATEGY Mobily is successful attainment its long term vision: to change from a pure mobile operator to a multi-functional telecom operator in KSA. Mobily was granted approval by CITC (Communication and Information Technology Commission) to attained 96% of Zajil International Telecom and 99.9% of Bayanat Al Oula which has a WIMAX license, two data service suppliers in KSA in 2008. Mobily is managing the cost of existing operations when its purchase of a 66.6% stake from the Saudi National Fiber Network (SNFN) which substitutes the use of STCs international gateway network. The incomes of the SAR2 billion capital increases are used for funding or upgrading. (http://www.mobily.com.sa) Mobily has built a strong connection with Etisalat of UAE for procurement of resource. This connection might be significant for presenting one of the best plan networks in the world. The revenue of Mobily Company Q2 2010 recorded as 3,972 million showing an increase of 24% over the same quarter last year. Mobilys chairman, ENG. Abdulaziz Alsaghyir mention that the increase of our Q2 revenue is due to the growth in broadband revenues and creating a centre of attention more post-paid consumer, in addition, Mobily has approved its strategy for five year time know as GED planning for expansion, differentiation to supply combined telecom services constructed about fixed and mobile broadband technologies. 7-HAJJ EFFECT ON PROFITABILITY It is expected that around 3 million person visit Saudi Arabia during the Hajj pilgrimage season, which is reflected in Mobilys fourth quarter earnings. Mobily achieved highest quarterly earnings during the fourth quarter. Mobily Quarterly Earnings 8-INFRASTRUCTURE Mobily has finished building its own capacity infrastructure to support itself. On the other hand, when Zain started their business, has rented transmission capacity from both Mobily and STC. This produced an additional flow of income for Mobily and STC depending on Zains usage capacity. (http://www.gulfbase.com) 9-Effect of macro-environmental and micro-environmental on Mobilys marketing mix There are many reasons to the macro-environment that will influence the choices of the managers of any establishment. New laws, tax changes, trade barriers, demographic change and government policy changes are all instances of macro change. To help analyse these reasons or factors managers can categorise them using the PESTEL model. (http://www.oup.com) Kotler (1998) claims that PEST analysis is a helpful strategic tool for distinguishing market growth or reduction, business position, potential and direction for operations. In analyzing the macro-environment, it is essential to understand the factors that might in turn affect a number of critical variables that are likely to affect the companys demand and supply levels (Kotter and Schlesinger, 1991; Johnson and Scholes, 1993). 9.1 Why Saudi Arabia There are few states to be able to propose secure supplies of inexpensive energy, a geographical starting point to a huge market and a customers requirement to achieve a suitable solution for new adventure enterprise or investment. The research has indicated that Saudi Arabia is one of the best 20 destinations for overseas direct investment in the globe. Moreover, Saudi Arabia known as one of the most enterprising nations in the Middle East, Saudis huge natural energy integration with the long-term image and strategic planning to make todays stable, robust economy. Saudi Arabia is hoping and arranging for different areas of future which is more comprehensive, expansive, sustainable and combined on both social and economic sector. All of these examples will be improved via Saudis experience financing, assessing to establish a nation of constant development. A massive amount of money has been spent by kingdom of Saudi Arabia to add value proposition to global business. The government of Saudi has planned goals of varies faceted reform strategy that lead Saudi Arabia to be one of the suitable position in the global to operate business. (http://www.sagia.gov.sa) At  the  same  time, Saudi Arabia is spending tens of billions of dollars to start four economic towns in diverse place of the nation to support economic improvement. 9.3The supplier environment Mobily attempts often to depend on several suppliers. Mobliy and its suppliers, both parties depend on the other for their successful commercial. Even though, both parties are looking for security and stability from their relationship, still they are some reasons to the supplier environment are subject to change, such as some disputes on a sudden raise in material or maintenance agreements prices which controls by suppliers to increase their prices and this will effect seriously on the company commercial operations. 9.4 The distributive environment Mobilys management is placed on marketing intermediaries as agents and distributors to make sure that their products arrive at the final consumer. To Mobilys management, it may seem that the conservative method of distribution in telecommunication is relatively static. For the reason that changes in the distributive environment happen quietly, and there is a risk of marketing companies failing to aware about the commercial change. 9.5 The competitive environment. The company must be aware about the potential risk of other players marketing similar and substitute services whether they are of domestic or foreign origin. . In the telecommunication sector in KSA have just three players a potential competitive threat. Whatever the type, size and composition of the telecommunication sector, Mobilys marketing management has a full understanding of competitive forces. However, Mobily Known with this knowledge, which will have a greater opportunity to compete effectively. http://www.da-group.co.uk/index.php?option=com_contentview=articleid=31:micro-and-macro-environmentscatid=2:marketing-lecturesItemid=3 The marketing mix Price Mobily used some approaches to price a product as the price charged for products and services is set unnaturally down in consideration of gain market share. Once this is attained, the price is increased. In addition, charge a reasonable price when has a strong competitive advantage. On the same time, Mobily attentive about competitors. However, most of their prices it is fair and satisfied for most of the customers. Place Channel Distribution Mobilys distribution strategy is driven by three main channels which: Direct sales: The direct sale channel includes Mobilys 24 flagship stores and 155 fully branded stores. The flagship stores are completely owned and employed entirely with Mobily personnel, while the fully branded outlets manage as franchises. Indirect sales: The Firm depend deeply on its distribution partners to attain wide range distribution at a rapid pace. Mobily has a sign primary distribution contract with seven major distributors, each of which special effects sales through 149 fully branded, 288 co-branded and 4,000 secondary distributor outlets. Co-branded: The Company has channelled sales through ATM and the Internet for top-up of prepaid cards. So as to focus VIP sector successfully, the Company has begun a separate section of Corporate and VIP Sales. Product Mobily has been achieving the three levels of product which are the Core product, the Actual product, and finally the augmented product. In addition, another marketing tool for evaluating products as The Product Life Cycle (PLC) which based upon the biological life cycle, and The Customer Life Cycle (CLC) which focuses upon the production of and delivery of lifetime value to the consumers.( http://marketingteacher.com) Three Levels of a Product Mobily Connect: Connect Al Zaeem, Connect Turbo Router, Connect Turbo, Connect Mini WIFI, Ferrari Connect, Connect Foot Ball, Connect Long Tail, Mini Wi-Fi. Postpaid : Mobily Minute buntes , Blue Wave Mada, Najma,Deeraty, Raqi, Fallah Mobily Khatty and Khatty Plus. Prepaid: 7ala, Anees, 7ala Plus, Wafeer, Mabuhay Kababayan, Blue Wave, Visitors Line Rihal, fallah, I phone line. Smart phones :I phone 3Gs, Iphone 4 , BlackBerry,Nokia N8,Samaung Galaxy Tab, Liquid E Ferrari . Broadband at home, Mobile internet, Internet Roaming(can only be used outside the kingdom of Saudi Arabia). (http://www.mobily.com.sa) Promotion Mobily is using the promotions mix to deliver a unique campaign as : Personal Selling. (Mobily tend to be well trainee for their sales workers in the approaches and techniques of personal selling to meet high margin in sales). Sales Promotion. Public Relations. Direct Mail. Trade Fairs and Exhibitions. Advertising.( Mobily paid for communication to develop attitudes and create awareness for people. Furthermore, Mobily use the advertising in media such as newspapers (local, free, trade), magazines and journals, television (local, national, satellite), outdoor advertising (such as posters). Sponsorship (Mobily bought for SR 200 million over the five years to associate their brand with Al-Hilal which   is one the leading and well-known football clubs, not only in Saudi Arabia but in the Middle East and Asia).( http://saudijeans.org) SWOT Analysis Strengths The improvement and concentrate on innovative products and value-added services. The experiences shift and indirectly supported from the mother company Etisalat UAE. Mobily have been using an aggressive marketing strategy that enabled it to obtain a 30% market share in less than two years of operation. To decline the cost of operation and improve data revenues flow, Mobily is improving a new Saudi fibre optic network. Mobily has been improving the company brand and reputation, to attract the corporate sector in KSA. Saudi government avoids currency risks. quickly responded to a new competitor Zain by creating roaming agreements with about 100 operators in 56 countries. Well improved mobile network coverage with 3G services. Weaknesses low in the increasing postpaid customers in Mobilys subscribers Continuing need for high spending for improve the network servers. High focus of prepaid subscribers, about 90% of customers signalling lower average revenue for parson. STC is ranked first in broadband overall Opportunities Due to rising oil prices in the world lead to build a strong economy and high GDP per person in a region. A strong population growth, 69% of the population is under the age of 30. Partnership with parent operator for entering new telecom markets. Increase market share in mobile broadband. Saudi government attempts to capture foreign direct investment in the telecommunications business through improvements in information technology sectors. Purchase of companies in the value chain. Threats Intense competition due to the entrance of MTC lately, as the third mobile player, is leading to decreases in average revenue. Due to easier for customers to transfer from one operator to another that lead to increased competition between operators. Low demand response to new services. Decline in margins as a result of price wars. Failure of public to adapt to changing technology.

Maya Angelou at Rutgers :: essays research papers

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Maya Angelou was raised in segregated rural Arkansas. She is a poet, historian, author, actress, playwright, civil-rights activist, producer and director. She lectures throughout the United States and abroad and is Reynolds professor of American Studies at Wake Forest University in North Carolina since 1981. She has published ten best selling books and numerous magazine articles earning her Pulitzer Prize and National Book Award nominations. At the request of President Clinton, she wrote and delivered a poem at his 1993 Presidential Inauguration. She also wrote and delivered a poem in 1995 titled 'A Brave and Startling Truth' in honor of the 50th anniversary of the United Nations.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Dr. Angelou, who speaks French, Spanish, Italian and West African Fanti, began her career in drama and dance. She married a South African freedom fighter and lived in Cairo where she was editor of The Arab Observer, the only English-language news weekly in the Middle East. In Ghana, she was the feature editor of The African Review and taught at the University of Ghana. In the 1960's, at the request of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Ms. Angelou became the northern coordinator for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. She was appointed by President Gerald Ford to the Bicentennial Commission and by President Jimmy Carter to the National Commission on the Observance of International Women's Year.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  On the evening of Monday, October 28th, 2002, this great woman visited the faculty, staff, students and guests at Rutgers University. To enter the little gymnasium on College Avenue, where the event would be held and would eventually house nearly 2,000 people, everyone needed a ticket, a ticket that I did not have because they had sold out so quickly. Nevertheless, I was determined to be there. So I adorned myself in the appropriate attire, left my apartment, and at 6:45 found myself on College Avenue in a line that spanned from the doors of the gym all the way to Au Bon Pain. No one seemed to care that it was 30 ° outside that night. Up and down the line you could hear snippets of conversations resonating excitement and anticipation of the night’s event. For some who had seen Dr. Angelou in the past it would be an added treat, but for me it would be a first. I was going through ideas of things to say to the doorperson so they would let me in without a ti cket.

Women as Instigators of Tragedy in the Works of William Shakespeare Ess

Women as Instigators of Tragedy in the Works of Shakespeare    It is the very error of the moon; She comes more nearer earth than she was wont, And makes men mad. (Othello 5.2.112-14)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The moon is often seen in literature as an allegory for love, virtue, and chastity. In Shakespeare's comedies, especially, the moon is personified as Diana, the Roman goddess of chastity. In these comedies, the foolish antics of lovers (literally, "lunatics") usually occur under the auspices of the chaste goddess, the lovers behaving like hounds about her feet that snap at each other in competition for her bounty. The moon as allegory for the lunacy of romance helps us understand Shakespeare's view of romance. In the tragedies, however, the moon can represent many things at once: Diana, the goddess of Chastity; the cyclical nature of Fortune; and Hecuba, the witch of insanity. These figures, as their names suggest, are feminine. The tragic heroes often refer to their wives as the moon. The wives are often seen as possessing, at different times, elements of the various associations with the moon. I assert that, by examining the several alle gories of the moon to the principal women of the tragedies, we can see the multiplicity of Shakespeare's attitude toward women. Often in the tragedies, the moon serves as the allegory for the changeability of fortune, the fickleness of women, and--as a result--the cause of madness. For this paper, I will systematically show the various allegories of the moon present in several tragedies. Then I will show how the multiplicity of these allegories is similar to the multiplicity of the principal women of the tragedies.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Several principal women of the tragedies are ... ...ators of the downfall of the heroes. Would the heroes have come to such a tragic end without the women? By noting the references to the women as formerly chaste, now inconstant, and always fickle, I argue that they are the cause of the madness of the heroes. Othello kills his wife because he believes her to have cuckolded him, resulting not only her death, but the death of his comrades and himself. Lady MacBeth urges her husband to kill Duncan. Because of his love for Cleopatra, Anthony meets a tragic end. Similar to the moon's ability to make men mad, the wives make the tragic heroes mad. Othello, as this paper's epigraph suggests, would certainly agree. Works Cited Hankins, John Erskine. Backgrounds of Shakespeare's Thought. Hamden, Connecticut: Archon Book, 1978. Shakespeare, William. Othello. Ed. Alvin Kernan. New York: Signet, 1963.   

The Affliction Of Polio In Africa Biology Essay

AbstractionThis essay investigates the grounds why Goma ( in DRC ) is more affected by infantile paralysis than Gisenyi ( in Rwanda ) . The two parts on which the probe is about are neighbors ; they have the same clime and the same geographical construction. This probe was carried out utilizing field work. I started my probe by inquiring inquiries to physicians so that I would hold more thought of what infantile paralysis was. After that, I selected the factors I would look into on in order to cognize why Goma is more affected by Polio than Gisenyi. The factors selected are: the environmental factors, handiness of wellness attention and the cognition the population has about infantile paralysis. For the environmental factors, the clime and the hygiene were considered and investigated on. In the instance of the handiness of the vaccinum, I asked inquiries to the people in charge of the inoculation plans in each part. For the cognition about infantile paralysis, inquiries were asked to 70 female parents in each part about their consciousness about infantile paralysis. The decisions I drawn from this probe is that neither the handiness of the vaccinum nor the consciousness of the population contributes to the difference in infantile paralysis instances between the two parts. Amongst the environmental factors merely the hygiene contributes to the difference in infantile paralysis instances between the two parts. The chief ground why Goma is more affected by infantile paralysis is that the population there is populating without holding basic demands and in add-on to that, non all the kids are vaccinated. The poorness stops the parents from boiling the H2O before giving it to their kids and the war is doing the parents move from one topographic point to another and as a consequence, the kids do non acquire all the three doses of the vaccinum which makes them susceptible to acquire infantile paralysis.Introduction:Poliomyelitis or infantile paralysis is an infective disease caused by a virus that was foremost discovered in 1909 by Karl Landsteiner ( 18 68 -1943 ) . Polio largely affects kids that are less than five old ages old. Polio is eradicated in Europe, in USA, and in Australia since the 1990 ‘s[ 1 ]. However there are still some instances of infantile paralysis in Asia and really many instances in Africa. The virus that causes infantile paralysis is known as the poliovirus. The poliovirus is a really contagious virus that can distribute really easy and really rapidly from one individual to another.[ 2 ]The incubation period of infantile paralysis can be really short ( 4days ) or long ( 14 yearss ) .[ 3 ] The poliovirus can merely infect worlds. It is really common in tropical climes and during summer in temperate clime ; it is rapidly inactivated by heat.[ 4 ]The poliovirus can populate in an environment that has a temperature between 18 A °C and 40 A ° C There are two chief types of infantile paralysis: the first type is caused by the wild infantile paralysis. This is the 1 in the environment, the one people get by imbibing contaminated H2O or by being in contact with contaminated fecal matters. The 2nd type is the vaccinum infantile paralysis. This is the infantile paralysis people get because of the vaccinum that contains weak poliovirus. This happens when for illustration a kid who was ill and has non recovered yet is vaccinated. In this instance the immune system of the kid is weak and ca n't battle the weak polioviruses. The difference between the two types of infantile paralysis is that the wild infantile paralysis causes a palsy that is non reversible while the palsy caused from the vaccinum infantile paralysis is reversible significance that the individual can go normal once more after few yearss. Poliomyelitis can distribute in different ways. The most common manner is the fecal unwritten transmittal ; the other manner is the unwritten -oral infantile paralysis transmittal[ 5 ]. The fecal unwritten transmittal is when a individual is in contact with the fecal matters of an septic individual. It occurs in countries where the hygiene is hapless. In countries where the sanitation is better, the spreading will happen utilizing the oral- unwritten transmittal which occurs when an septic individual sneezes or coughs in the presence of non-infected people. In this instance the non- septic individual will be in contact with droplets or spit. Insects such as flies can besides be agents of transmittal of the virus.[ 6 ]The virus can besides distribute through contaminated nutrient and H2O.[ 7 ]Not all the people that are in contact with the poliovirus acquire ill. They will merely hold something that looks like a bad cold. Those people can move as bearers and can infect other people. O nce a individual is paralysed, that individual ca n't pollute the others. The individual is merely contagious during the incubation period of the poliovirus. The virus can come in the being through the air ( nose, larynx, amygdales, ) but largely it enters the being through the digestive system.[ 8 ]When the virus is in the being, it develops and multiplies in the bowels and so goes to the nervous system where it causes a palsy in few hours.[ 9 ] The poliovirus can impact three different parts of the organic structure. The first portion is the encephalon ; in this instance the individual affected dies. The 2nd portion is the respiratory system, cut downing the external respiration capacity of the septic individual. This largely consequences to decease if the individual does non hold aid from take a breathing machines. The 3rd portion is the legs. In this instance the virus amendss merely the nervousnesss that control motions. The palsy caused by the poliovirus is known as a floppy Paralysis. The individual will non be able to walk unless assisted with crutches or with prosthetics. In Africa, the bulk of the instances of infantile paralysis are coming from hapless households. Those who have their respiratory system affected by infantile paralysis merely die because they ca n't afford to purchase the setup assisting to breath. For those who have the legs paralysed they ca n't purchase the prosthetics which cost around 350 $ ( this being the cheapest ) . Most of the paralysed people merely hope that person takes attention of them or in most instances they become mendicants on the street because their households think they are a charge and do n't desire to take attention of them. Poliomyelitiss can non be cured. Since infantile paralysis is caused by a virus, the antibiotics do n't hold any consequence on it. In order to kill the poliovirus, the host cell has to be killed besides. The lone thing the physicians can make is to bring around the symptoms such as febrility. When a kid becomes paralysed the lone thing that can be done is the rehabilitation. The fact that infantile paralysis can non be cured does non intend that it ca n't be prevented. One of the bar methods used is inoculation. The vaccinum for infantile paralysis is unwritten. It contains weak polioviruses. Four doses have to be given for the vaccinum to be effectual. The first dosage is given at the birth ; the 2nd 1 is given when the babe has 6 hebdomads, the 3rd at 10 hebdomads and the 4th and last dosage at 14 hebdomads. Another bar method that can be used is to imbibe poached H2O. In Africa, people in the small town acquire the H2O they need from the lakes and rivers near their houses. The H2O from the lakes can be really unsafe because it is the same H2O in which people wash their apparels and many people do their fecal matters near the H2O. If person is affected by infantile paralysis and realeases his/her fecal matters in the H2O, the poliovirus will travel in the H2O and will impact the kids who will imbibe that H2O. In order to avoid that, the parents should boil the H2O before giving it to their kids. In that manner non merely the poliovirus will be killed but besides all the other viruses and bacteriums that was in the H2O. In this essay we are traveling to see what can do two parts have different infantile paralysis instances. To look into this, I have chosen the part of Goma ( in DRC ) and the part of Gisenyi ( in Rwanda ) . This is deserving look intoing because infantile paralysis can be contaminated through the air and the fact is that there ‘s a batch of contact between the populations of the two parts. Since there ‘s a batch of contact between the two populations and that infantile paralysis can be transmitted in the air the inquiry is why one portion of the population is more affected than the other? The part of Goma and the part of Gisenyi are neighbors. They are non in the same state ; Goma is in DRC while Gisenyi is in Rwanda. Both the parts have the same geographical construction. Both are hilly and portion the same lake: Lake Kivu. Even though they have the same clime and geographical construction, the two parts are non affected in the same manner by infantile paralysis. The part of Goma is more affected by infantile paralysis than the part of Gisenyi. In fact most of the kids in Goma are affected by infantile paralysis while in Gisenyi the opportunity of holding a kid affected by infantile paralysis is approximative to 0 % .What makes the part of Goma more affected by infantile paralysis than the part of Gisenyi?Many things can do these two parts so different in the manner infantile paralysis affect them in this essay, three factors were used to look into why Goma is more affected by infantile paralysis than Gisenyi. Three factors are: The environmental factors, handiness of the vaccinum and wellness attention, and the consciousness amongst the people. The environmental factors For the environmental factors the clime and the hygiene will be considered. The clime of the two parts is the same ; hence, the clime can non be among the grounds why the rate of infantile paralysis is different in the two parts. They both have the same temperatures and clime. Since Goma and Gisenyi have the same clime this can non be a ground why Goma has more infantile paralysis instances than Gisenyi. The handiness of public lavatories for the people who do n't hold modern houses with lavatories in them and a good hygiene can be included as an environmental factor. The usage of public lavatories is one of the preventative methods used to avoid infantile paralysis. The public lavatories are suggested because most of the people do n't hold the capacity to construct houses with lavatories. In Gisenyi and Goma the public lavatories are available but they are in really bad conditions ; due to that people do n't utilize them. Most of the kids and the parents let go of their fecal matters near the Lake Kivu, in which they go to bring H2O. This increases the rate of spreading of infantile paralysis particularly if the non-vaccinated kids drink the H2O from the lake straight without boiling it and that the H2O contains the infantile paralysis virus. The image below shows kids from Goma bringing soiled H2O. Picture nA ° 1 ( From my camera ) The fact is that in Goma most of the people live either in a refugee cantonment or in really hapless conditions. Those who live in refugee cantonments do non hold good sanitation installations. There are many people populating in a little country ( eg: two households in one collapsible shelter ) which facilitates the spreading of diseases such as cholera and infantile paralysis among the kids. The other 1s who do n't populate in refugee cantonments live in really bad conditions because of the war and the insecurity. Refering the hygiene there ‘s a large difference between the two parts in the sense that in one ( Gisenyi ) people have reasonably acceptable life conditions which enables them to hold a good hygiene while in the other ( Goma ) people are populating in bad conditions which makes them non able to hold a good hygiene. The handiness of the vaccinum and wellness attention The handiness of the vaccinum and wellness attention are finding factor in the sense that if the vaccinum for infantile paralysis is available, fewer kids will be affected by infantile paralysis. This besides include whether people can afford to pay for the vaccinum or non. In Rwanda, the vaccinum is available and free for everyone. Therefore in Gisenyi, which is one of the parts of Rwanda, the vaccinum is available and free. In Goma the vaccinum is besides free. In fact people from the public wellness section are sent to near the parents to immunize their kids. In both the parts the medical Centres are near to the people. One difference is that in Gisenyi the population has an insurance provided by the authorities in order to ease the entree to medical attention while in Goma the people have to pay for themselves. The fact that the vaccinum is available in Gisenyi explains why there are few instances of infantile paralysis. The inquiry now is to cognize why there are more instances of infantile paralysis in Goma when the vaccinum is besides available and free at that place. The 2008 statistics by Unicef showed that in Rwanda, 95 % of the kids where immunized against infantile paralysis while 89 % merely were immunized in Congo.[ 10 ] Public consciousness about infantile paralysis If the vaccinum is available the figure of kids affected by infantile paralysis will depend on the figure of kids who were vaccinated. The figure of kids Vaccinated will depend on how cognizant parents are that their kids have to be vaccinated. There is no point of doing the vaccinum available if the parents do n't take their kids for inoculation. This can be a ground why Goma has more kids affected by infantile paralysis than Gisenyi. If the parents in Gisenyi are more cognizant about infantile paralysis than the 1s in Goma this can explicate why the kids in Gisenyi are less affected by infantile paralysis than the kids in Goma. In order to look into that, few inquiries were asked to parents holding kids less than five old ages old in the two parts. 70 parents from each part were asked the undermentioned inquiries: Make you cognize what infantile paralysis is? What do you cognize about infantile paralysis? Are your kids vaccinated against infantile paralysis? What do you make when your kid is ill? Make you boil or set chemicals in the H2O before giving it to your kids?[ 11 ]PRIMARY DATAThe following tabular array shows the consequences got in the different parts Table nA °1GisenyiGomaNumber of parents cognizing about infantile paralysis 0 2 Number of parents that have some thought about infantile paralysis 27 39 Number of parents that have no thought about infantile paralysis 43 29 Number of parents that take their kids for inoculation 67 59 Number of parents that do n't take their kids for inoculation 3 11 Number of parents that take their kids to the physician when they are ill 64 33 Number of parent that leave their kids place when they are ill 4 29 Number of parents that take their kids to witchdoctors when they are ill 2 8 Number of parents who boil or put chemicals in the H2O before giving it to their kids 41 8 The undermentioned graph shows us the consequences gotGraph nA °1From the graph above we can see that refering the cognition about infantile paralysis the parents in Goma are more cognizant about that disease than the parents in Gisenyi. We can see from the graph that there are more parents in Goma who really know what infantile paralysis is than in Gisenyi. Most of the parents in Gisenyi have no thought of what infantile paralysis is. Some parents even thought that it was a disease caused by malnutrition. The fact that more kids in Gisenyi are vaccinated than in Goma can explicate why there are more instances of infantile paralysis in Goma than in Gisenyi. However that is non all. From the consequences we can see that there are more parents who take their kids to the physician when they are ill in Gisenyi than in Goma. This is because in Gisenyi the parents have insurance and can afford to take their kids to the infirmary when they are ill. In the instance of Goma, the parents do n't hold any insurance and have to pay for themselves. When the parents in Goma were asked why they do n't take their kids to the physician when they are ill, most of them said that they ca n't afford to take their kids to the infirmary. The fact that there are more childs vaccinated in Gisenyi than in Goma can be explained by the fact that less parents in Goma go to the infirmary. Because they have to pay for themselves, they do n't take their kids to the infirmaries believing that they ‘ll hold to pay for the vaccinum. We can see from the statistitics that about 16 % of the female parents do n't take their kids to the infirmary. The fact is that some female parents do n't even give birth in the infirmaries. If they did, the kid would automatically have the first dosage of the vaccinum and the female parent would be told that the vaccinum is free. The households in Goma do n't hold a beginning of gross. Some were husbandmans but can no longer cultivate their farms because they live in refugee cantonments. In fact they ca n't cultivate even if they leaved outside the refugee cantonments because Goma is a part of high volcanic activity. The bulk of the land is covered with larva, there ‘s no manner to works anything at that place. In add-on to that, there are more parents in Gisenyi who boil the H2O or put chemicals in it before giving it to their kids. To the parents who do n't boil H2O or put chemicals in it were asked why they do n't make that. Most of the female parents in Gisenyi answered that â€Å" since I was immature I ne'er drunk poached H2O and I ‘m healthy, why should my kid acquire ill if I did n't. † those in Goma explained that they ca n't afford to make that but if they could, they would boil the H2O before giving it to their kids. The kids in Goma drink H2O that is non purified and are non vaccinated. This is why they get infantile paralysiss while for the kids of Gisenyi, they drink poached H2O and even for those who drink H2O that is non boiled have the insurance that they are vaccinated and that they wo n't acquire polio. There are no instances of infantile paralysis in Gisenyi, so, there ‘s no 1 to convey the disease. The consequence got from my research can be supported by the unicef statistics about the sanitation, and improved imbibing H2O in Rwanda and in Congo The tabular array below shows the studies from unicef about the sanitation installations and imbibing H2O. This besides includes the % of kids vaccinated against infantile paralysis.[ 12 ]Table nA °2Rwandese republic Zaire % of population utilizing improved sanitation installations in the rural countries 47 % 19 % % of population utilizing improved imbibing H2O installations in rural countries 61 % 35 % % of kids immunized against infantile paralysis in entire 95 % 89 % The fact that the parents in Goma have some thought about infantile paralysis is supposed to do Goma less affected by it than Gisenyi where the parents are non cognizant which is non the instance. This can be explained by the fact that in Goma, even though the parents have some thought about what infantile paralysis is they do n't take their kids for inoculation. The parents in Gisenyi take their kids for inoculation. Most of the parents in Gisenyi do n't cognize why they have to immunize their kids they do it because they were told to make so and that since the vaccinum is free, they do n't free anything by taking their kids for inoculation. For the parents in Goma their job is that they are non stable ( i.e. : they move from one topographic point to another ) . Because of the war and the insecurity in Goma, the population keeps traveling. My theory is that due to the instability of the population in Goma, parents do n't take their kids for inoculation. That would explicate the fact that even thought the parents are cognizant about infantile paralysis, they do n't take their kids for inoculation doing them vulnerable to that disease. To verify whether my theory is true, I asked 50 parents from each part some inquiries about their manner of life. The inquiries asked are: Where make you populate? Make you populate in a refugee cantonment or in your ain house? How frequently do you travel ( go forth your house or refugee cantonment ) ? What is the ground of your instability? * When you move do you believe about taking your kid for inoculation? *[ 13 ] The tabular array below shows us the consequences gotTable nA °3GisenyiGomaNumber of parents populating in a refugee cantonment 0 13 Number of parents populating in their ain house 50 37 Number of parents who stay in the same topographic point during the whole twelvemonth 41 28 figure of parents traveling one time in twelvemonth 2 3 figure of parents traveling twice a twelvemonth 7 4 figure of parents traveling more than twice a twelvemonth 0 15 Number of parents taking their kids to inoculation after traveling 1 2 The tabular array below shows the consequences in %Table nA °4GisenyiGoma% of parents tliving in a refugee cantonment 0 % 26 % % of parents populating in a house 100 % 74 % Overall % of parents traveling at least one time in a twelvemonth 18 % 44 % % of parents taking their kids for inoculation after traveling 11.1 % 9.09 % The graph below shows us the consequences got:Graph nA °2The consequences got support my theory that the parents in Goma do non take their kids for inoculation due to the instability. We can clearly see that in Gisenyi all the parents live in their ain house which is non the instance for Goma. My consequences besides show that there are more parents in Goma who leave their places compared to Gisenyi. The instability of the parents is caused by different grounds in the two parts. In Goma the instability is non merely due to the war, it is besides caused by the volcanic activity while in Gisenyi, the instability of the parents is due to their work ( ie: move from one topographic point to another harmonizing to seasons ) . More parents in Gisenyi think about taking their kids to inoculation compared to Goma. This could explicate the fact that more kids are affected by infantile paralysis in Goma in the sense that more kids in Gisenyi receive all the doses of the vaccinum compared to Goma. In Goma, when the parents are obliged to go forth the country because of the war, they do n't hold the clip to take the kid for the 2nd dosage because they are busy seeking to last in hard conditions, and since the vaccinum is non effectual if all the four doses are non given, their kids are susceptible of holding infantile paralysis if they are in contact with the poliovirus.Decision:With all this we can reason that Goma is more affected by infantile paralysis than Gisenyi because most of the kids in Gisenyi are vaccinated which is non the instance in Goma. The fact that more kids are vaccinated in Gisenyi than in Goma is non due to the handiness of the vaccinum and the consciousness of the parents, it is because in Goma, the parents are more bemused by lasting than by taking their kids for the inoculation. The war is doing the population in Goma live in really hapless conditions. Their kids do n't have all the four doses of the infantile paralysis vaccinum which makes them vulnerable to polio. The deficiency of hygiene in Goma particularly in the refugee cantonments explains the fact that there ‘s more infantile paralysis in Goma than in Gisenyi. The fact that the kids lack hygiene and unrecorded together increases the rate of spreading of the disease. Apart from the fact that there is war in Goma, the people are besides hapless. They do n't hold the clip to take attention of their kids. Most of the parents have many kids and ca n't take attention of them. They are busy the whole twenty-four hours seeking to acquire some money to feed their kids. When their kid is ill, they either leave the kid place or pray he will be all right shortly or if the disease is grave, they take the kid to the traditional physicians who are less expensive than the modern physicians. Harmonizing to many parents the traditional physicians are more effectual than the modern physicians because they are inexpensive and that they use herbs to bring around, which are better than the pills given by the modern physicians. Most of the parents in Goma cognize how their kids can acquire polio and they know how to avoid it but they merely do n't hold any pick. They ca n't afford to boil the H2O or to set chemicals in it. The ground why Goma has more polio instances is largely due to the war and to the instability of the population. We can see that clearly from the fact that the parents in Gisenyi are less cognizant about infantile paralysis, but since they are stable and that they were told to take their kids for inoculation they take them. They besides have the ability to purchase wood to boil the H2O. The hazard now is that since Goma and Gisenyi are neighbors and that there are refugees from Goma in Gisenyi, infantile paralysis will distribute and impact kids from Gisenyi besides. That ‘s why the female parents in Gisenyi are sensitised to immunize their kids. Some of them do n't see the intent of inoculation and do n't cognize the hazard they are taking. Because of that, infantile paralysis which was eradicated in Rwanda might come back if all the kids are non vaccinated. Since the two parts portion the same lake and that kids do their faces in near the lake, there ‘s a opportunity that the infantile paralysis virus might distribute through the H2O if the kids drink the H2O without boiling it.